Excuses and Thoughts

Ole Spearpoint had been hoping to be a little more productive last month but certain things conspired against that intention.

The worst was a recurrence of malaria (originally picked up in Zambia some few years ago). This usually happens once a year and ordinarily involves a couple of days of sweating, shivering and general malaise.

Not this time. Holy cow! Over four weeks of bone-aching sweats, alternating with teeth-rattling and limb-quivering shivering attacks lasting for an hour or more, the worst nausea I have ever experienced, deep and bloody vomiting, and unpredictable ‘dire rear’ (read Terry Pratchett’s excellent, superb and unrivalled “Discworld” novels if you don’t understand the reference).

Poor Spearpoint really thought that he was about to cash in his chips at one point. You know the feeling – you start off worrying that you’re going to die, eventually worrying that you won’t die…

And although there has been the benefit of having lost at least five kilos (about 10 pounds to my American friends), thereby helping to partially alleviate my old man’s silhouette of distended gut, skinny shanks and drooping butt, there has been a major drawback in the old lifestyle department. The Spearpoint hepatic function suffered such punishment as to preclude, for the time being at least, the delights of dipsomania and the various benefits to be had from booze. My Colt .44 Magnum is, consequently, looking more attractive every day…

So, I was pretty crook, for a while.

But during this interesting period in my life (involving frequent conversations with God over the big white telephone), the rest of the world moved on without me.

Now I confess to being pretty pleased that Barack Obama won his Presidential campaign in America (congratulations, Sir), but I am equally pissed off that, once the more exciting elements of that campaign and its aftermath had died away, my buddies at Botswana Television (BTV) then decided to return to their more usual dull-as-ditchwater programming – the buggers have stopped (well, severely curtailed) their late night feed of MSNBC. Couple this with the end of American daylight savings time and the push back by one hour of those stimulating and addictive programmes and you can well imagine the negative effects on Spearpoint without his near daily doses of Olbermann, Matthews and Maddow.

Rx Colt beckons.

I have also been pleasantly surprised at some recent events on the political landscape here in South Africa.

Following on from some pretty disgusting behaviour on the part of the old ANC, some of its members and leading lights have jumped ship and formed a breakaway political party which, after some buggering around, seems to have settled on the name ‘Congress of the People’ (COPe).

The ANC has been, predictably, miffed and, whilst ostensibly appearing unfazed and tolerant of the new party, has been doing everything possible behind the scenes to disrupt, intimidate and ridicule the formation and function of the new boys on the block.

The formation of the new party can only be good for our democracy in South Africa. Personally, I wouldn’t vote for them since they are merely re-invented ANC cadres and whilst I am prepared to credit the ANC with much good that it has done since 1994 I cannot escape the sure knowledge that the ANC and its leadership has, overall, done more harm than not; if the leadership and new membership of COPe were so out of step with the ANC then why didn’t they decamp long ago?

However, Spearpoint wishes COPe well – if only to bring about a re-evaluation of the ANC and what it has achieved and, especially, if it results in a split of the previous ANC popular vote leading to the loss of the ANC’s two-thirds majority (permitting unilateral constitutional change) in parliament. Perhaps for the first time in South Africa’s history there is a real prospect of an Opposition strong enough to challenge the ruling party and to ensure accountability.

Have a look at the link below. The sentiments and reasoning are thought-provoking and valid.

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=79&art_id=vn20081118053203503C766418&newslett=1&em=186722a6a20081201ah

The danger now, of course, is that the leadership of COPe, being ex-ANC and fellow gravy train travelers, will fall into their old ways of complacency and incompetence, thereby failing to offer anything new or radical enough to move this country forward – other than in splitting the ANC vote (in and of itself a substantial and sufficient step to the good).

We shall see.

Spearpoint.

1st December 2008

The ANC and Ideology – III

Although somewhat overshadowed by recent global economic events, the ANC saga continues apace.

Having staged a palace coup and removed the sitting President of South Africa without much apparent recourse to normal, accepted democratic norms and values, the ANC is now acting all upset and indignant at some of the criticism coming its way.

The vehement attacks by the ANC against those former ministers, Provincial Premier(s) and other previously fair-weather ANC fellow-travellers only serve to underscore the paucity of ANC thought and democratic fair-mindedness whilst, concurrently, further highlighting the unmitigated arrogance of the new order within the organisation.

The faceless and shadowy NEC of the ANC, together with its lapdogs in the form of COSATU and the ANCYL, is following its old Soviet-style totalitarian inheritance by trying to strong-arm and bully into submission those who would dare to challenge its self-appointed right to govern by decree. On the premise that those who are not for or with the ANC are, de rigueur, enemies of the ANC, the NEC seeks to discredit and disarm its critics – particularly those within the ANC – through the most sustained of attacks and vilifications.

What the ANC fails to grasp, of course, is that the dissatisfaction of a number of ANC members and the possible ‘divorce’ of some of those members from the party is due solely to the ANC itself and the behaviour of its leadership in recent months.

Had Jacob Zuma and his lackeys been less overt and more sophisticated in seeking to gain personal power on the back of the ANC, fewer people would have been offended, repelled and scared of these individuals and their naked lust for power and preferment.

Had the ANC and the NEC been more transparent in their handling of Thabo Mbeki more people would have felt confident that the ANC was, in fact, being true to its claim of being a democratic organisation. Even though Mbeki himself failed to put country before party by not forcing the ANC, Zuma, et al, to deal with the challenge to his position and authority in Parliament, the ANC then monumentally failed the country by itself not voluntarily placing the entire issue before the Assembly. The ANC shot itself in the foot; nothing would have been lost had there been a debate and subsequent vote in Parliament (which is but an ANC rubber-stamp) and the ANC would have gained some credibility for its claims to be democratic. But, as with all other totalitarian regimes in history, the ANC is extremely fearful of the general populace getting to know about the real nature and character of itself as an organisation and of its leaders. They fear people realising just how venal and incompetent they are, fabricating a web of deceit and illusion about their motives and abilities which is, at best, tissue thin.

Had the ANC been less secretive and clandestine there never would have been the opportunity for the ANC dissenters to criticise it and its methods. After all, had not those dissidents themselves been willing passengers upon the gravy train of ANC government for many years? Regardless of the merits or otherwise of the criticisms of the dissenters, the ANC has ceded the moral high ground to them and looks increasingly insecure with its objections to open public debate on a matter of national concern (viz: the leadership and governance of the entire country).

This is but another example of ideology blindly triumphing over rational thought, common sense and duty and service to the needs of the whole country and all of its people.

Even worse is the application of the ideology of never admitting error and never apologising in case it were to reveal weakness – such are the politics of fear and such are the politics of South Africa.

Spearpoint.

13th October 2008

Happy Birthday, Mr. Mandela. And, By The Way, Please Don’t Die Yet.

 

Today is the 90th birthday of Nelson Mandela (‘Madiba’) and the whole world has been sending their best wishes and thanks to him.

 

At the risk of being accused of jumping on the bandwagon, I, too, would like to extend my own personal greetings and wishes to him. Not that they are likely to reach him, of course – I very much doubt that the great man is a subscriber to this blog. And even if he were, I suspect that he might not wish to admit to the fact. Nonetheless, my wishes for his special day and for his continued good health and longevity are sincere and heartfelt.

 

However, today is not as joyous as it could perhaps be for far too many South Africans and, in light of that fact, I would wish to amend my birthday wishes to Mr. Mandela as follows: ‘Many happy returns of the day, Madiba, and please could you find the strength and energy to come out of retirement for a short while and put our country back on track’.

 

Ordinarily, the 21st century political and government scene should, after all the lessons of the past few hundred years around the world, be one where the characters and characteristics of individual politicians and leaders (not necessarily the same thing, by the way), whilst important, should not, however, be dominant over the system of prevailing political and economic theory and practice.

 

Despite considerable fear at the time of the transition from the old South African order, Mr. Mandela proved to be an acceptable exception to the above statement. His humanity, compassion, statesmanship and deep discipline marked South Africa out as being a beacon of hope to many other countries around the globe – to say nothing of those people who had, directly and indirectly, suffered under the pre-1994 government. In so doing, Mr. Mandela bequeathed a bold and immensely valuable legacy to South Africa.

 

Which is precisely why today is not as happy an occasion as it could – and should – be as the great man and a significant portion of the planet celebrates the start of his 91st year.

 

The stark reality is that the Mandela bequest to all South Africans has been defiled and squandered by those who took up the reins of power and influence after his departure. Sure, the words of those now steering our ship of state on to the political, social and economic rocks are filled with obsequiousness to the man and his vision; but the lip-service is cynical and self-serving when compared with the actions and motivations of those now with their hands on the tiller.

 

Some fourteen years after the 1994 transition South Africa appears to have progressed little towards those objectives set out and exemplified by Nelson Mandela.

 

South Africa still has the obscenity of innumerable squatter camps. Where housing for the poor has been provided it is invariably small, mean and inadequate for the needs of growing families and entrepreneurs. The squatter camps of the next decade and on will be the RDP and low-cost housing projects of the townships.

 

South Africa still has the obscenity of a gargantuan and permanent crime wave (now no longer excusable as a form of anti-Apartheid political action) which is, in terms of volume and nature, on a par – at least – with any war zone you might wish to name on the planet.

 

South Africa, far from leading the rest of Africa away from the stereotypes of the continent, has actively joined the club of banana republics in the race to grab the titles of the most corrupt and most politically expedient societies in the world. Political and social leaders vie with one another, it appears, to see who can extract the most money and power from the cookie jar of government service and public finance. Nepotism and cronyism are rife locally and internationally. Our foreign policies – most notably towards Zimbabwe, Equatorial Guinea, and Sudan (amongst others) – are an international joke and a domestic embarrassment.

 

South Africa’s education system (never noted for its egalitarianism or excellence) is collapsing under the weight of acute teacher shortages and administrative incompetencies.

 

Similarly, the South African public health system, under the leadership of a minister who denies the realities of HIV/AIDS and would prefer to treat those thus afflicted with beetroot, spinach and whatever local witch doctors might concoct from unprovenanced ingredients, is imploding from staff and skills shortages, graft and maladministration.

 

South African infrastructure is unraveling. The road system is (literally) breaking up under the traffic. No new major road or highway has been constructed since 1994. Public transport is so piecemeal as to be non-existent. Eskom and the electrical generation and distribution network under its care is a monstrous caricature of what the ANC inherited from its predecessors.

 

South African government is ceasing to work properly. Government departments are slothful and inefficient. Where once a passport would, routinely, be issued within ten to fourteen days, applicants now have to wait for upwards of six months. Driving tests and the issuance of licences, once accomplished within days can now – depending on the locality – take over one year.

 

South African public ethics and the moral fibre of the country are disintegrating. Public officials, no longer afraid of their subjection to the law of the land, openly – and oftentimes violently – compete for power. Politicians and government departments flagrantly flout or ignore court orders and rulings. The judiciary appears to be becoming enmeshed in political rivalries and factionalism.

 

At least 26% of all South Africans, from all racial and socio-economic groupings, are reported to be either in the process of emigration or are actively considering it.

 

So, Mr. Mandela, Happy Birthday.

 

But would you please at least consider coming out of retirement for a year in order to put our house back in some semblance of order? It’s a lot to ask and I’m sure you are tired. It would be appreciated – especially by those who are closest to your heart; the poor, the elderly, the sick, the young.

 

And – please – don’t die anytime soon. For then South Africa will have no-one with any political integrity or moral authority left to shield us hapless common folk from the predations of who are ambitious, greedy and ruthless.

 

Spearpoint.

 

18th July 2008

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Would the last democrat leaving South Africa please turn out the lights…

 

 

So here we have it, at last. It has been a while coming, but come it has.

 

Not that it has been unexpected. It was bound to happen eventually, in one way or another.

 

Many very astute and able writers have been trying – for some considerable time – to show how South Africa has been slowly descending into the abyss. More recently Spearpoint has (with far less ability and effectiveness) added his own voice to the warnings that have been increasingly thronging the various media available to us in this country.

 

I fear that it will all be to no avail.

 

The pessimism, even despair, which has silently pervaded South African society over the last decade or so, is now gaining increasing momentum even amongst those who celebrated the most after the release of Nelson Mandela.

 

Now we begin to see the true colours of our Rainbow Nation; colours that were once purposefully and skillfully hidden behind shimmering nebulae of rhetoric and political razzle-dazzle are now being glimpsed more often as the perceived need for global political respectability is, more and more, discarded as the ANC and its puppet masters gain in confidence and arrogance.

 

Today, the legislation to disband the elite crime-fighting unit known as the Scorpions has been tabled in Parliament.

 

Modeled broadly on the FBI, the Scorpions have proven to be a formidable and largely untouchable crime-fighting force that has shown little or no favour and has appeared to be indefatigable in the pursuit of those who would place themselves above the law. They have been a very necessary foil to the poorly performing South African Police Service.

 

Why the ANC has bothered to involve Parliament escapes me. South Africa is a dictatorship of the elected majority party (the ANC), with absolutely no prospect of any realistic challenge to the current status quo being mounted through the ballot box anytime in the next couple of generations.

 

The ANC might as well come clean and rule by decree. It would save them and the rest of the world time, effort and embarrassment over the increasingly amateurish attempts to legitimise their fumbling realisations of their ambitions.

 

The signs have around for a long time.

 

  • The selection of a party leader – soon to be the country’s President – who is awaiting trial on corruption and related charges investigated and brought by the Scorpions.
  • The blatant and public protection by the current President of the country – with the tacit approval of the ANC – of the national Police Commissioner who faces serious charges investigated and brought by the Scorpions.
  • The blatant and unashamed protection of numerous public officials and office holders who have either admitted or have been convicted of innumerable offences ranging from drunk driving through fraud, embezzlement and worse.
  • The blasé and indifferent approach to, and acceptance of, crime levels unparalleled outside of war zones such as Iraq. (An example – it is generally accepted that a rape occurs in South Africa every 23 seconds. Do the math – 1.4 million rapes per annum in a population estimated at around 45-50 million people).
  • The awesome drift from reality embodied in the continuing and, until very recently, unquestioning support of rogue and repressive states such as Zimbabwe and Burma – behaviour which has led to the ridicule and scorn of the rest of the world, to say nothing of the loss of life and liberty of those poor unfortunates living in those countries.

 

And these are but a very few of the straws that have been blowing in the wind in recent years.

 

The Scorpions are but a single example of the lengths to which the ANC, COSATU and the South African Communist Party (all members of the tri-partite alliance which rules South Africa but of which only the ANC presents itself for election before the people of the country) are prepared to go in order to exclude themselves from scrutiny by both the courts and the electorate.

 

When will the people of South Africa – as well as the rest of the world – awaken to the fact of the immense confidence trick being played upon them at their expense?

 

Do we have to wait for the raids on the newspapers and televisions stations to become more frequent? (It has already happened). Will we only realise our plight when the Internet and blogs are monitored, controlled and restricted? Will we have to wait for the situation in Zimbabwe to become a reality for South Africa (and so memorably and eloquently expressed by the unknown Zimbabwean who voiced it by saying “We have freedom of expression; we just don’t have freedom after expression”)? Will we wait until the cadres of the ANC and SACP are joined on their nightly dissent-suppression street patrols by armed MK war veterans? Will we wait for the type of bloodbath that surely lurks, Kenya-like, in Zimbabwe’s near future?

 

The writing is on the wall. We ignore it at our peril. We run the risk of a bovine-like acceptance of the denial and corruption of the hopes and aspirations of an entire country already brutalised in the not-too-distant past. Or, simultaneously, we run the risk of opening the door to hotheads and armed reactionaries eager to turn back the clock.

 

And as much as Spearpoint harbours hopes for this country and its people, it is very much my profound fear that already it is too late and that the time is nigh for the call to go out, “Would the last democrat leaving South Africa please turn out the lights”.

 

 

Spearpoint

13th May 2008

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

More on Food and Fuel Prices…

 

 

 

 

 

 

A thought occurs…

 

Eskom, as we are all probably aware by now, seems to be hell-bent on hiking their tariffs to the ordinary South African electricity consumer by 53% this year and by a similar amount next year.

 

I now wonder if, just maybe, we poor and long-suffering victims of the South African corporate and political robber barons might reasonably expect a small glimmer of light at the end of this seemingly endless tunnel of despair in which we find ourselves.

 

In the vein of any good communist or socialist government, it was recently announced by our inefficacious Minister of Health that certain (unspecified) interventionist steps were being considered on the present crisis over rocketing food prices.

 

Just to digress for a moment – why such an announcement should be made by the Minister of Health rather than the Minister for Trade and Industry or the Minister of Finance I find to be confusing. Whilst I am sure that there are public health concerns to be considered if the very poor cannot afford to buy their staple foods, I do feel that any interventions – even in the form of food stamps – would be better managed as part of an overall economic and financial strategy led by the Department of Finance and whose Minister has shown some reasonable degree of competence over the past few years.

 

Anyway, to get back to the point I wish to make…

 

Now, if the South African government is demonstrating a willingness to change its stance and to interfere with normal market forces on food prices then surely, in order to be consistent, it should also consider a similar intervention on fuel and electricity prices.

 

There are several ways in which considerable assistance could be offered to the consumer without necessarily distorting the market and its operations.

 

For example:

1.       VAT could be reduced or removed for all foods, fuels and power supplies;

2.       Eskom could be required to either cease the supply of one third of our total production of electricity for export at the ridiculous price of eleven cents per kilowatt or to export it at prices which would give a far better return, thereby obviating the need to impose punitive tariff hikes on South African domestic consumers;

3.       The fuel industry could be de-regulated so that competition could be allowed on the forecourt and so that supplies of oil could be sourced in a manner that would free South Africans from the artificial and arbitrary pegging of spot prices to the Singapore market;

4.       Introduce new trading rules to control and penalize the exorbitant profiteering in the various commodity (particularly foodstuffs and fuel) markets that results from the unfettered and unnecessary trading, re-trading and re-re-trading of essential goods and commodities.

5.       As previously advocated by Spearpoint, the government could also abolish all direct and indirect taxes (e.g. income, provisional, dividend, corporate, payroll, VAT, fuel levies, compensation, UIF, provincial, municipal, etc. etc. etc. etc….) and replace them with a single, simple “consumer” tax on all goods and services (excepting food, fuel and electricity) in various bands. Thus, incomes would be maximized and protected and the tax burden for individuals and companies would be defined by how much they spent within all sectors of the economy. The tax could be designed and collected on much the same basis as VAT, thereby saving vast amounts in collection costs and public service staffing costs.

 

I am sure that there are other ways in which commerce could be stimulated whilst making the sharing of the tax onus across the entire population far fairer than it is at present. It just requires a little imagination on the part of the government.

 

Most importantly, however, the government, through its own initiative on food prices, has now opened the door to the possibility of constructive intervention in other, critical, sectors of the market economy.

 

Now they must get on with it…

 

 

Spearpoint.

13 May 2008

 

 

 

 

Eskom and tariff hikes

Here we go – again.

 Don’t you just love the levels of professionalism and competence we have in South Africa?

  1. Eskom removed the world-class skills base it inherited from its pre-1994 days by blindly following the ANC politically correct ideology of reverse affirmative action – it unceremoniously tossed out the white managers, engineers, technicians and linesmen who, rightly or wrongly, had comprised the bulk of expertise within the parastatal.
  2. The removal of that skills base, whilst not done exactly overnight, took place over a very short period – too short to permit the recruitment and training of black replacements to the same levels of expertise, remembering that most of the white engineers and so on had served apprenticeships of several years followed by many years of on-the-job training and experience.
  3. The ever diminishing numbers of competent personnel suffered increasingly low morale as the process continued and as they watched their world-class operation begin to disintegrate under the onslaught of unskilled time servers brought in through nepotism and racial quotas. “Hey, the government says we are equal and the only difference between us is that the whites have been privileged and we have not and, anyway, what’s so difficult about driving around in nice cars, having nice offices, having secretaries (oops, sorry, personal assistants), fat salaries, and so on. Skills? Aagh, we’ll pick those up as we go along – if we need them. Protestant work ethic? What’s that? We in the ANC and the new government of South Africa are socialist and communists – we don’t believe in that outdated and outmoded thinking since it is not politically correct (according to us) and, in any case, we are just taking over what was built up over generations by our predecessors.”
  4. The new management of Eskom failed to understand and apply the concepts and lessons of investment in their inherited money-making machine. When, finally, the new management realised their mistake, they were too frightened of and politically indebted to their major stockholder (the ANC government) to be able to convey the severity of the developing crisis regarding the generation and distribution of electricity; nobody, it seems, was prepared to risk their lovely salaries, bonuses and related perks by being the too-earnest bearer of bad news to the powers-that-be that this wonderful cash cow was, in fact, on the brink of terminal starvation.
  5. The ANC and its government officials failed to understand that the good days were on the point of coming to an end. The concept of long-term investment and re-investment totally escaped them. Things were going too well; the economy was proceeding nicely – how could anything be wrong? “To hell with these doomsayers – we, as the government have much more important things to spend money on. We must not delay, for example, spending hundreds of millions of Rands on re-naming towns, streets, municipalities. Anyway, if Eskom does need money later then we’ll look at it closer to the time – I mean, just how long can it take to build a few new power stations and the associated network? In the old days before 1994 we never seemed to have this problem, so how hard can it be?”
  6. When, finally, the wheels came off the lumbering juggernaut that is Eskom, what happened? Because of the self-imposed ANC political perceptions of reality were far more important than the actual realities of life, both the government and Eskom, whilst simultaneously admitting a problem and downplaying the seriousness of that problem (admitting error is not a survival trait within the government, the ANC or Eskom), then proceeded to continue the export of substantial proportions of our power production to neighbouring countries – all previous allies to the ANC back in the days of the struggle against Apartheid.

Well, the chickens have well and truly come home to roost.

And in the process we have all been made to look utter fools to ourselves and the world at large. Once again we see that, with the ANC, its government and the various state utilities, style and spin are deemed to  be far more important and relevant that content. We can talk the talk but we’re buggered when we have to walk the walk.

 Now Eskom, with the support of the government, wants to hike its tarrifs by a stated 53%. Aware of the social and potential political fallout the ANC opposes the idea. As does COSATU. As do the bulk of businesses and private individuals. No great surprises there – except for the government’s stance.

Well, if the government is so supportive of the idea, then let the government pay for it.

  1. The government is the main shareholder of Eskom.
  2. The government failed (by its own – very surprising – admission) to respond in a responsible and responsive manner when, eventually, Eskom brought the problem to its attention.
  3. The government has been deriving vast revenues from Eskom for years.
  4. The government has failed to spend its budgeted allocations of those revenues through the inefficiencies and incompetence of many of its departments.
  5. The government has been enjoying positive revenue balances for many years – partly because of Eskom’s contributions.

As with any other commercial or quasi-commercial enterprise – and especially in the case of a state monopoly – it’s all very well when times are good and you enjoy the huge dividends from your legislated market dominance, but there is an obligation to put your hand in your pocket when times are not so good.

The mere fact that Eskom is a state enterprise renders its revenues as indirect taxation. When that state enterprise turns a profit which is siphoned off into state coffers then that profit is additional (hidden) indirect taxation which is not declared as such. To have Eskom then to increase tariffs by a further massive 53% will subject the consumers of Eskom’s product (i.e. everyone in South Africa) to an undeclared indirect super-tax.

Forget the argument that South Africa has the cheapest electricity in the world. It is a spurious argument, at best. If we can produce electricity at the present price – and make a huge profit into the bargain – then let us benefit from that ability. If lower electricity prices can help to attract foreign investment into this country then let it be! We neither need nor want so-called parity pricing with other countries – it benefits absolutely no-one except traders, speculators and already well-established outside vested interests and whose secondary, derivative economic functions carry questionable economic value to anyone beyond themselves.

Let the government stump up the additional funds the Eskom now needs. The government has assumed the social role of providing the social service of electricity supply; it has enjoyed the spoils of that role and must now discharge its social duty of expanding that role at whatever cost is necessary. Moreover, the government has the moral obligation to the vast majority of its citizens who, even at current Eskom tariffs, can scarcely afford the minimum power they consume.

I just hope that the government has not seen this request for higher tariffs as an excuse to continue bilking the South African entrepreneur and consumer without exposing itself to losing those lovely revenues flowing into the Treasury…

Spearpoint.