The ANC and Ideology – II

Ye Gods!

I’m out of the country for a week, so busy that I didn’t have time to see a TV or newspaper, stuck with a lousy internet connection that wouldn’t allow me to send or receive emails, much less surf for any news of spawned mini black holes grazing on bits of France and Switzerland, and what do I find?

While my back has been turned the buggers have gone and changed the world!

Only after a thirteen-hour flight home to South Africa, my ears still whistling, mouth as dry as the Sahara, my brain sloshing around in my head and threatening to spill out through my nose and ears, my body relativistically strung out somewhere between the Mediterranean and Johannesburg, was I presented with news of the past week’s events. Trying to come to grips with momentous news at home and abroad while still prone to walking into trees and walls is not something to be recommended, believe me.

Firstly, there was the abandonment of capitalistic principles by good-ole George Dubya (“Gee, I really wish I was Jack Ryan”) Bush and his buddies. Massive bailouts of various financial institutions in the US of A. Rewarding the greedy and reckless bastards on Wall Street (and their equally avaricious cohorts around the world) with a safety net and ‘Get-out-of-jail-free’ card. Saving the bacon of both the small-time and large institutional investors who, Gadarene-like, swarmed to get something for nothing based on the vacuous promises and beguiling words of so-called experts and analysts spouting get-rich-quick crap all over the airwaves, instead of working honestly for themselves and their local communities.

The price of instant, unprotected financial gratification is, very often, the economic equivalent of a hangover and a limp dick – the lessons and consequences of which must be learned in order to avoid future over-indulgence, subsequent pain and embarrassing oozings. Lessons which will be lost if the consequences are not felt – immediately and directly – by the gullible, the credulous and the reckless. Personal and corporate responsibility must be made real and applied. The expectation that the world owes everyone a living is false and dangerous – as is the expectation that Big Brother must always catch the careless and carefree when things go awry. Maybe a bit of financial and economic turmoil, painful as it would be, might not be a terrible thing for a while.

Secondly, and more germane to the subject of this post, South Africa – sans the benefit of an election – had an incumbent president removed from office by the faceless ANC politburo.

Such behaviour is, of course, the logical outcome of the constitutional and political system foisted upon this country by the victorious and arrogant ANC post-1994.

Spearpoint has had occasion, in previous posts, to point out the undemocratic and dictatorial nature of the ANC government of South Africa. The current situation in South Africa further reinforces my earlier position.

In most other democratic countries constituencies are contested by individuals representing either themselves (independents) or a political party. In the latter case the individual, broadly speaking, is on an almost equal footing with the party he or she is standing for, thereby permitting the electorate to judge both the person and the party on their merits. It also allows for the electorate to later judge the performance of both the party and the individual in that particular constituency. If either has failed to deliver on its promises or has not demonstrated publicly acceptable standards of behaviour and decorum, then the electorate has the opportunity (at a later election) to toss the miscreant out on his ear. Financial, sexual and other scandals are often the cause of elections whereby the electorate can pass judgement on their elected representatives.

This is not the case in South Africa. Here a vote in an election is only for one of the parties contesting the seat. In the case of the ANC, at least, the individual who is to represent the constituency is not chosen by the electorate but is assigned by the party winning that seat. The party is not required to field a candidate who has any inkling of politics, or who has any education beyond kindergarten, or who has any conception of the meaning of ‘public service’ beyond equating it with ‘self-service’.

In the case of the ANC there seem to be only two criteria for their candidates – minimal vital signs and membership of the ANC (and not necessarily in that order).

In South Africa we have some ANC Members of Parliament (as well as Provincial and local government councillors) who, seemingly at times, can barely read and write, balance a cheque account or button their shirts evenly. We have some MP’s, having been implicated in or, even, convicted of criminal activity who are still occupying Parliamentary seats.

Thus it is that South Africa, for all the razzamatazz of the past few years, has no acceptable model or hope of democratic, parliamentary governance. Under the carefully crafted and totally illusory guise of ‘collective responsibility’, the ANC has hoodwinked both the people of South Africa and the world at large into the belief and acceptance of a new dispensation which is democratic, fair and just – rather than the one-party state which it effectively is.

Personal responsibility of MP’s, ministers of government and ANC party members and officials is all but non-existent. A constituency – or, indeed, the public at large – is denied any mechanism to hold accountable any individual within the ANC or the government simply because the voters have neither a say in the choice of a candidate nor in the retention or otherwise of that candidate. Responsibility for the actions or omissions of any individual ANC member is referred back to the ANC itself – aloof, unreachable and beyond the ken of mortal man. God-like, (now there’s a bit of imagery to apply to an atheistic, rooted-in-communism political party!) the ANC is self-styled in omnipotence and omniscience; it doesn’t explain or apologise because it doesn’t have to do so. The politburo of the ANC (the ‘National Executive Committee’) is a shadowy, sinister body of nameless and faceless men and women who claim to speak on behalf of all the ANC’s members and – by the default of a dictatorship of the majority – the people of South Africa; because it is hidden in shadows it operates behind closed doors according to unrevealed processes and rules, issuing its edicts from its Olympian heights of disdain and hubris – thereby making it an almost impossible target for criticism and attack.

The ideology and structures of the ANC are monolithic, entrenched through the pseudo-legitimisation of a flawed electoral system and (although good in principle) constitution, propped up by the tacit approval of the Western world pursuing its own agenda and ever eager to partake of the platinum, gold, uranium and other resources of an emerging South Africa – despite the fact that it is governed by former paupers anxious to cut themselves a hefty slice of the cake.

The bankruptcy of the ANC’s ideology is most clearly seen in the recent shenanigans revolving around the person of Jacob Zuma and the factionalism engendered by his naked lust for personal power.

Notwithstanding the ANC’s outward appearance of adherence and subservience to the rule of law, the ANC will, it appears, forgive almost any transgression provided that fealty to the ANC is never, never abrogated. (In this it is maybe not so different from many other political organisations anywhere else in the world where, one suspects, the party in question is merely a convenient outer raiment to be utilised by those hungry for personal power. The nature and policies of the party are not necessarily descriptive of the individual’s personal credo but can serve as a handy vehicle to self advancement.) Thus, Zuma might be under suspicion of various criminal acts – he could even be a convicted felon – but the ANC will imitate Nelson (the English admiral, not Mandela) when viewing Zuma’s flaws as a politician and a man, just so long as he can be used by those faceless politburo members to further the aims of those members. Zuma is but a front-man who may not realise that he is just as vulnerable as Thabo Mbeki to the whims of the power brokers and king makers sitting behind the closed doors of the NEC of the ANC. Zuma (as with Mbeki), together with all the cabinet members and other ANC elite, are but song and dance performers gyrating to the tune of an unknown composer and choreographer; a false note, a misstep, any sign of trying to inject a bit of originality that clashes with the political puppet master’s conception of conformity can result in the abrupt and ignominious removal of even the star of the show.

True to its communist roots and ever fearful of losing its control and grip on power, the ANC is still profoundly centralist in its thinking and actions, both in terms of its internal organisation and its government and control of the country. Individual members and local party committees have very little real power and influence over the national central committee. And because patronage is the only real way for individuals to advance within the ANC the organisation has become one that is characterised by the display of (ANC) politically correct outward behaviour which, in turn, has led to the party being served by sycophants and yes-men.

As a result, therefore, within the ranks of the ANC allegiance and lip-service to the ANC far outweighs loyalty to South Africa. The needs and wishes of the ANC far outweigh the needs of the country despite the presence within the ANC of some (although not enough) genuinely sincere individuals who see their principal duty as being to the country rather than to the party.

This has been openly demonstrated in recent days with the removal by the ANC politburo of the sitting President without reference to the electorate. In his ‘resignation’ speech on national television, Mbeki referred to his loyalty and duty to follow the dictates of the party. He made little or no reference to the possible impact of his removal upon the country save to mention his compliance with the ANC edict was in the interests of unity and stability – but the inference was more to the stability and smooth transition of power for the ANC, rather than the country.

Herein lies another danger to South Africa. In the minds of the ANC and its members – and, sadly, far too many of the ordinary citizens of South Africa – the ANC and the Republic of South Africa are perceived and promoted as being one and the same thing. In such a mindset, therefore, the ANC is, almost by definition, solely capable of determining what is in the interests of South Africa and can do no wrong. Extension of this pattern of thought and peculiar logic leads inevitably to the conclusion that South Africa serves the ANC. The danger comes then from the actions and aspirations of what is, to all intents and purposes, an unaccountable central committee or politburo whose shadowy and anonymous members view and treat South Africa as their own private fiefdom to plunder and pillage at will – in short, becoming another Zimbabwe or similar banana republic: a view apparently shared on this matter by one as exalted and respected as Archbishop Desmond Tutu.

The flaws in our Constitution and our version of ‘democracy’ are now coming into stark relief as the bully boys and revenge politicians of South African politics and society now begin to shed their veneer of decorum and civility with increasing confidence as they begin to scent their ultimate and – as they see it – inevitable victory. Now within their grasp are the spoils of the internecine contest – personal power, great privilege (and consequent private wealth) and the annihilation of their political foes. South Africa is poised to repeat the abuses and horrors of Eastern Europe post-1945.

Perhaps Mbeki, if he is true to his claim of wishing to serve South Africa, should re-examine his blind loyalty to the ANC. Perhaps he should resign his membership of that organisation and create his own political party in order to provide the country with a foil to the ANC as it now stands. Only in that way (maybe), and at least until the vast majority of the people of South Africa have been educated into what democracy truly entails, can this country have any chance of an effective and credible opposition to the juggernaut that is the ANC today; existing opposition parties tend to be paper tigers owing to their small parliamentary numbers that result from the distressing tendency of the electorate in this country still to vote along mostly ethnic/racial lines.

Spearpoint.

23^rd September 2008

Happy Birthday, Mr. Mandela. And, By The Way, Please Don’t Die Yet.

 

Today is the 90^th birthday of Nelson Mandela (‘Madiba’) and the whole world has been sending their best wishes and thanks to him.

 

At the risk of being accused of jumping on the bandwagon, I, too, would like to extend my own personal greetings and wishes to him. Not that they are likely to reach him, of course – I very much doubt that the great man is a subscriber to this blog. And even if he were, I suspect that he might not wish to admit to the fact. Nonetheless, my wishes for his special day and for his continued good health and longevity are sincere and heartfelt.

 

However, today is not as joyous as it could perhaps be for far too many South Africans and, in light of that fact, I would wish to amend my birthday wishes to Mr. Mandela as follows: ‘Many happy returns of the day, Madiba, and please could you find the strength and energy to come out of retirement for a short while and put our country back on track’.

 

Ordinarily, the 21^st century political and government scene should, after all the lessons of the past few hundred years around the world, be one where the characters and characteristics of individual politicians and leaders (not necessarily the same thing, by the way), whilst important, should not, however, be dominant over the system of prevailing political and economic theory and practice.

 

Despite considerable fear at the time of the transition from the old South African order, Mr. Mandela proved to be an acceptable exception to the above statement. His humanity, compassion, statesmanship and deep discipline marked South Africa out as being a beacon of hope to many other countries around the globe – to say nothing of those people who had, directly and indirectly, suffered under the pre-1994 government. In so doing, Mr. Mandela bequeathed a bold and immensely valuable legacy to South Africa.

 

Which is precisely why today is not as happy an occasion as it could – and should – be as the great man and a significant portion of the planet celebrates the start of his 91^st year.

 

The stark reality is that the Mandela bequest to all South Africans has been defiled and squandered by those who took up the reins of power and influence after his departure. Sure, the words of those now steering our ship of state on to the political, social and economic rocks are filled with obsequiousness to the man and his vision; but the lip-service is cynical and self-serving when compared with the actions and motivations of those now with their hands on the tiller.

 

Some fourteen years after the 1994 transition South Africa appears to have progressed little towards those objectives set out and exemplified by Nelson Mandela.

 

South Africa still has the obscenity of innumerable squatter camps. Where housing for the poor has been provided it is invariably small, mean and inadequate for the needs of growing families and entrepreneurs. The squatter camps of the next decade and on will be the RDP and low-cost housing projects of the townships.

 

South Africa still has the obscenity of a gargantuan and permanent crime wave (now no longer excusable as a form of anti-Apartheid political action) which is, in terms of volume and nature, on a par – at least – with any war zone you might wish to name on the planet.

 

South Africa, far from leading the rest of Africa away from the stereotypes of the continent, has actively joined the club of banana republics in the race to grab the titles of the most corrupt and most politically expedient societies in the world. Political and social leaders vie with one another, it appears, to see who can extract the most money and power from the cookie jar of government service and public finance. Nepotism and cronyism are rife locally and internationally. Our foreign policies – most notably towards Zimbabwe, Equatorial Guinea, and Sudan (amongst others) – are an international joke and a domestic embarrassment.

 

South Africa’s education system (never noted for its egalitarianism or excellence) is collapsing under the weight of acute teacher shortages and administrative incompetencies.

 

Similarly, the South African public health system, under the leadership of a minister who denies the realities of HIV/AIDS and would prefer to treat those thus afflicted with beetroot, spinach and whatever local witch doctors might concoct from unprovenanced ingredients, is imploding from staff and skills shortages, graft and maladministration.

 

South African infrastructure is unraveling. The road system is (literally) breaking up under the traffic. No new major road or highway has been constructed since 1994. Public transport is so piecemeal as to be non-existent. Eskom and the electrical generation and distribution network under its care is a monstrous caricature of what the ANC inherited from its predecessors.

 

South African government is ceasing to work properly. Government departments are slothful and inefficient. Where once a passport would, routinely, be issued within ten to fourteen days, applicants now have to wait for upwards of six months. Driving tests and the issuance of licences, once accomplished within days can now – depending on the locality – take over one year.

 

South African public ethics and the moral fibre of the country are disintegrating. Public officials, no longer afraid of their subjection to the law of the land, openly – and oftentimes violently – compete for power. Politicians and government departments flagrantly flout or ignore court orders and rulings. The judiciary appears to be becoming enmeshed in political rivalries and factionalism.

 

At least 26% of all South Africans, from all racial and socio-economic groupings, are reported to be either in the process of emigration or are actively considering it.

 

So, Mr. Mandela, Happy Birthday.

 

But would you please at least consider coming out of retirement for a year in order to put our house back in some semblance of order? It’s a lot to ask and I’m sure you are tired. It would be appreciated – especially by those who are closest to your heart; the poor, the elderly, the sick, the young.

 

And – please – don’t die anytime soon. For then South Africa will have no-one with any political integrity or moral authority left to shield us hapless common folk from the predations of who are ambitious, greedy and ruthless.

 

Spearpoint.

 

18^th July 2008